Honorable guests, ladies and gentlemen:
On this auspicious occasion, it is a great honor to address such a distinguished gathering of Korean patriots and supporters of our efforts for Korea’s peaceful reunification. In particular, I would like to recognize and thank the Hon. Chung Woon Chan, former Prime Minister of Korea and the Convener of Korean Dream Hangang Festa organizing committee, Hon. Chung Woo Taek, Co-Chair of the organizing committee, Hon. Kim Jin Pyo, the former speaker of the National Assembly, Hon. Chung Dong Yeong, the Minister of Unification, and Hon. Song Seok Joon, member of the National Assembly.
I would like to also thank our leaders from around the world who have joined us today. H.E. Vinicio Cerezo, Former President of Guatemala, H.E. Jamil Mahuad, Former President of Ecuador, H.E. R. Amarjargal, Former Prime Minister of Mongolia, H.E. Anthony Kenny, Former Prime Minister of St. Lucia, H.E. Luis Castiglioni, Former Vice President of Paraguay. I want to also welcome all the leaders gathered here from around the world representing government, diplomacy, business, media and civil society.
We are gathered here to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the Korean people’s liberation from Japanese colonial rule. Over these eight decades we have seen remarkable transformations, especially here in the South. Yet, today, we face a turbulent, divided present, and an uncertain future. Old frameworks are crumbling, and we can no longer rely on past certainties to chart a path to the future.
What is it that we can truly celebrate today? The liberation of Korea at the end of World War II opened a window of historic opportunity. It was a time of hope when the ideals and aspirations of the Sam Il Independence movement rooted in the Korean people’s founding vision of Hong-Ik Ingan- “to broadly live for the benefit humanity”- breathed life into the dream of creating a new western-style constitutional republic that was “united, independent, and free.” Tragically, that was not to be. Instead, we experienced the division of the peninsula and, ultimately, a civil war between the Korean people with contrary visions of a future, unified Korea.
It is time to take stock, to understand from where we came from, where we stand today, and where we can find the clear vision and sense of national purpose that will guide us to a brighter future. The significance of this moment for the current reality of the peninsula and the future of our people cannot be overstated.
The Beginning of Korea’s Modern Era
The 20th century was the most consequential century for the Korean people and the peninsula. With its annexation into the Japanese empire in 1910, the Korean nation and civilization was on the brink of extinction as Japan’s policy of forceful integration sought to stamp out its language, culture and, most importantly, its historic identity. The utter brutality of their rule, fueled by their anti-Korean sentiments, triggered widespread condemnation and a growing grassroots movement for independence.
With the end of the First World War, President Wilson’s 14 Points raised the hopes of colonized nations, offering them the prospect of eventually attaining national sovereignty. However, the European powers, their manpower and economic reserves depleted by the war, had no interest of relinquishing their colonial holdings; nor, did Japan, since it sought to be accepted into the elite circle of the Western colonial powers in addition to pursuing its own ambition of expanding Japanese Imperial rule over the rest of Asia. Although the idea of national self-determination for colonized peoples died in the halls of Versailles, President Wilson’s initiative sparked the kindling of nationalist movements with a universal moral tone that harkened to the American Declaration of Independence and would, eventually, lead to collapse of the colonial system.
The first of those movements happened here in Korea. The March 1st (Sam-Il) movement mobilized more than ten percent of the population around the Korean Declaration of Independence in a series of peaceful demonstrations throughout the peninsula and the diaspora. It drew heavily from the American Declaration with ideas of “the equality of all nations,” liberty” and “inalienable” rights. It highlighted the need for enlightened leadership where the Korean people “entertain no spirit of vengeance towards Japan” but “to influence the Japanese Government, which is now dominated by the old idea of brute force, so that it will change and act in accordance with the principles of justice and truth.” It concludes with the implications for Korean independence for the rest of Northeast Asia and the dawning of a new era rooted in “righteousness and truth.”
The high-minded nature of the document was reflective of the spiritual leadership that made up the 33 representatives who signed the Korean Declaration of Independence. Representing the three dominant factions of the Korean religious community- Christianity, Buddhism and Cheondogyo, they sought to appeal to the universal spiritual principles and values reflected in the American Declaration since it appealed to western Judeo-Christian sensibilities on the “inalienable” right of national self-determination and, eventually, the sins of colonialism. In addition, the founders wanted to steer the more radical voices for independence away from violent insurrection to peaceful, non- violent protest since they recognized that global support was necessary for their ultimate success.
Yet, it would not be until the end of the Second World War that Korea would eventually find independence. Nevertheless, the impact of the framework they pioneered of high- minded spiritual principles and values married to non-violent protest became the winning formula for other colonized people in the post-war era, most notably in India. Later, that same model would be adopted by the Civil Rights movement in the United States by the late Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in the 1960s to great effect, bringing an end to generational racial discrimination in the South, maintained through the policy of segregation and Jim Crow laws.
The Division of Korea
The end of the Second World War in 1945 led to Korean independence from Japanese rule. Unlike many other colonized nations, liberation did not lead to national self-determination; but a division along geographic and ideological lines that had nothing to do with the aspirations of the Korean independence movement. After the Japanese surrender, the United States and the Soviet Union, the occupying powers, agreed upon “zones of control” on the peninsula along the 38th parallel.
During the war, the Allied leadership had determined that post-war Korea would be placed under an “international trusteeship” until they believed that “Koreans would be deemed ready for self-rule.” It was understood that the occupational zones were temporary until the trusteeship could be implemented.
Understandably, the Korean people opposed the idea of a “trusteeship.” Liberation should have led to their own process of self-determination without the interference of outside powers. Yet, that is exactly what transpired. The heightening tension of the Cold War, eventually, led to the breakdown in negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union by 1947 and, thereby, effectively ended the only existing framework for an independent unified Korea by the great powers.
The matter of Korea’s future was then passed over to the nascent United Nations. It sought to oversee national elections that would form a united government for the divided peninsula by 1948. The Soviet Union chose not to comply with UN-supervised elections, so they were held only in the South. This led to the formation of the Republic of Korea on August 15, 1948, staying true to its independence roots, while the North established the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea a few weeks later on September 9 under the dictatorship of Kim Il-Sung.
However, in hindsight, the possibility of a national election for the divided Koreas under UN supervision was naïve wishful thinking in the vortex of Cold War geopolitics. The Soviet Union had no interest in relinquishing control over their zones of influence in Eastern Europe and now in Korea. In addition, the civil war in China was going badly for the Kuomintang-led government against the Chinese communist Party and, by 1949, their defeat on the mainland would lead to the formation of the People’s Republic of China. Korea was swept up into these global currents and its fate as a divided nation sealed to this day.
Thus, the division of the peninsula was a “foreign construct” that had nothing to do with the aspirations of the Korean people and their movement for independence and self- determination. Their dreams and aspirations were brushed aside like a sacrificial pawn on the global chessboard of great powers seeking to shape the future of Northeast Asia.
Yet, their interference on the peninsula and their vision for the region is what shaped the reality that we have today. One must remember that nothing is created in a vacuum, the end effect is the accumulated consequences of past actions.
The Current Reality of the Divided Koreas and Northeast Asia
Where do we stand 80 years later? The Korean people are still divided, and the aspirations of the Sam Il movement remain unfulfilled. The two Koreas hold diametrically opposed worldviews and have travelled very different paths: the DPRK has become a repressive, dictatorial, nuclear-armed state, that threatens regional and global security and whose population live in dire poverty; the ROK, on the other hand, has transitioned from a dysfunctional and corrupt republic into a military dictatorship and, now, back to a liberal democracy, in form at least. Despite all the political upheavals, it has become an economic and cultural powerhouse globally due to the industry of its people.
At the end of the Korean War, South Korea was a devastated land with an agricultural economy at the same level as the poorest countries in the Sahel region of Africa. It had no industry and no natural resources to speak of. Its only resource was the spirit of its people. They went to work to create a strong, prosperous nation, capable of standing firm against any future attacks from the North. The result was the Miracle on the Han. It enabled the Republic of Korea to be globally recognized as a prosperous, technologically advanced society.
But it came at a heavy price. Without an animating vision rooted in some deeper national purpose, it was willing to offset its most sacred cultural institution-the traditional Korean extended family model- for the sake of materialism and progressive views on gender roles, marriage and family, falsely thinking that those ideas reflected modernity. The family is the foundational cornerstone of any civilization and reflects the cultural history and identity of a people. Today, the South is paying for that mistake with the breakdown of the traditional Korean family model that is directly attributable to its alarming demographic crisis.
The South has the lowest birthrate in the world of 0.7%, well below replacement level of 2.1%. Although surveys show that many young people are not getting married because of the high cost of housing and children’s education, economic factors alone cannot explain the dramatic decline in fertility when previous generations had large families despite financial hardships. The real reason for this shift is the changing perceptions on marriage and family, reflective of the symptoms in every other developed nation in the world.
The second biggest problem is the chaebol system that gave rise to “Crony capitalism” and a militant labor movement. It was an anachronistic holdover from the military dictatorship where the national policy of industrialization led to a toxic brew of political, financial and chaebol collusion to kickstart the South’s economy. Yet, today, its legacy leads to legal, financial and regulatory hurdles that stifle competition and economic diversity. The four biggest players have revenues equal to 40 percent of GDP. In 2019, 64 chaebols were worth 84 percent of GDP, yet employed only 10 percent of the workforce.
The third problem is tied to the South’s primarily export driven economy centered on the chaebols. This becomes acutely problematic in the era of American protectionist policies under President Donald Trump since the US is the second largest trading partner after China. The Trump tariffs have reconfigured the global trade of goods and services and will, negatively impact trading partners like the ROK that traditionally enjoyed no tariffs on its products in the US market while maintaining protectionist policies at home.
According to the World Bank, Korea’s exports made up 44 percent of GDP in 2023, compared with just under 22 percent for Japan, and just over 20 percent for China. Korea’s export led economy is uniquely vulnerable to the impact of tariffs. Although the current South Korean regime negotiated a trade deal with the US, the 15% flat tax on Korean goods and its commitment to invest hundreds of millions into American key industries is already having deleterious effects. The long-term solution is an expanding domestic market but with the fertility crisis and the breakdown of the Korean family this seems to be an impossibility.
The Miracle on the Han has hit its peak and will face a sharp decline. There is urgent need for reform and renewal in every sphere of national life – politics, economics, society and culture. Such renewal will only come through a fresh vision and national purpose that all citizens and segments of society can unite around and work towards as our parents worked in the post-war period.
Korean Reunification
The challenge for the peninsula, today, is a unifying vision that can bring its many disparate parts together rooted in a renewed Korean identity that speaks to all Koreans, both North and South, and in the diaspora. Being a man of deep faith, I am reminded of Proverbs 29:18, “where there is no vision, the people perish.”
The vision for this new age is the Korean Dream. It will not only engender a rebirth of Korean culture and historical heritage but reconnect all Koreans to the providential calling of our people rooted in our founding ideals of Hong-Ik Ingan, “to live for the benefit of all humanity.” We will then create an ideal nation that marries the best of Korea with the modern world. The reality of South Korea that I outlined earlier makes it clear that this is an inflection point in its history with major cultural, institutional, structural, political and economic challenges going forward. The only comprehensive vision that charts the path forward is the Korean Dream.
It is also a transitional moment for the North, as well, with no apparent successor to the Kim legacy and the slow unraveling of its regime with its unprecedented level of defections among the DPRK’s elite, unlike any other moment in its history. The North’s recent position to abandon its national goal of unification speaks volumes to its unwitting acceptance that they no longer have a compelling vision for unifying the peninsula. This is significant since his grandfather, Kim Il-Sung, started the Korean War in 1950 to forcefully bring about unification. The goal of unification had been the “raison d’etre” for the creation of both Koreas and for the North to voluntarily relinquish that claim speaks volumes about the current reality of that regime.
The world should view the DPRK’s efforts to bypass and ignore the South to once again establish dialogue with the United States as a feeble effort to gain global legitimacy in pursuing a permanent two-state solution on the peninsula. The Trump administration should not entertain their overtures since the North would never give up their nukes through any negotiated settlement with the United States. The only real path to denuclearization is the peaceful unification of the two Koreas. At Camp David in 2023, the United States and Japan already committed to supporting the peaceful reunification of Korea if such an event were to happen. This current administration should stand by that commitment.
I would go as far as to say that Kim Jong-Un abandoned unification because he knew that he could not compete with the Korean Dream in offering a unifying vision for the peninsula. His intelligence services must be aware of its influence in the highest circle of Korean society, let it be in the media, entertainment, academia, politics and business communities. He must also be aware that the largest grassroots movement for unification in South Korean history is an initiative I have founded called the Action for Korea United (AKU). Most importantly, the thirty thousand defectors that reside in Korea as well those in the United States and Japan have rallied around the Korean Dream and the AKU movement as their only real hope to realize unification and be reunited with their relatives in the North.
He must also be aware of my family legacy. The significance of my grand uncle’s, Rev. Moon Yoon-guk, role in the formation of the Korean Declaration of Independence and his leadership in the Sam-il movement for liberation. He knows about the history of my father, the late Rev. Dr. Sun Myung Moon, and his grandfather, Kim Il-Sung. Although my father devoted his entire life to fight the evils of communism, after experiencing its horrors in a North Korean concentration camp in Hungnam, in order to open a path toward unification, he was willing to go, in 1991, to the very regime that had tried to kill him and his family countless times and had perpetrated such great evil on the Korean people and nation. His fearless courage and utter sincerity in his convictions was said to have moved even Kim Il-Sung to the point that he told my father that he was the only one that he could trust outside the North.
So, it is fair to say that the unrivaled vision for a unified Korea is the Korean Dream. It is just a matter of time when it takes hold in the hearts of all Koreans as well as inspire countless others around the world. The Korean Dream was meant to be shared and owned by all who seek to fulfill its goal. I have often quoted Chingis Khan who is reputed to have said: “If one person has a dream, it is just a dream, but if all people have that dream, it becomes reality.” If the dream for a unified Korea I outlined in my book, Korean Dream: A Vision for a Unified Korea, was shared and owned by all Koreans, I know that unification will certainly come. Just as the collapse of the Berlin Wall came without any warning, so too will Korean unification.
The Korean Dream
The Korean Dream seeks to create a new nation, aligned with the aspirations of our ancestors throughout our five-thousand-year history, to fulfill the Hong-Ik Ingan mandate of Heaven. It clarifies the “foreign construct” of the Cold War framework that the peninsula has been struggling with for the past eight decades and recognizes the shortcomings of both South and North Korea. The only way to break out of that framework is the formation of a new nation that harkens back to the hopes of the Sam-Il movement that launched the modern era for our people. But, unlike the geo-political circumstances that hindered our forefathers’ dreams, today we carry the moral authority as the only people that has been deprived of the opportunity to shed the colonial legacy and ideological divide of the 20th century.
The creation of the nation of our dreams will be a prerogative that the world would fully embrace and support. It would also address the fundamental political, social and economic issues plaguing the South and free the people in the North from bondage under the Kim regime. Unification will be a marriage made in Heaven since the very thing the ROK needs to maintain the Miracle on the Han is what the North has. It will provide an additional 25 million people who speak the same language and share the same culture while substantially increasing our workforce and our domestic consumer markets with young people that can fuel a second miracle.
This will be necessary to support the transition of our economy from a primarily export- driven to a balanced one. It would also provide tremendous opportunities in infrastructure as well as other developments, stimulating the stagnant construction industries in the South. It will provide a host of strategic rare earth minerals and other natural resources the South doesn’t have. In addition, it will open the peninsula up and connect it to the rest of Asia, sharing borders with China and Russia; thus, further stimulating trade and other opportunities.
Most importantly, it will unite our divided people and families that have suffered far too long. It will finally bring an end to the legacy of colonialism and the Cold War that led to our division and open a new era in the history of our people and civilization. For, the nation that arises out of the ashes of the past will be a model nation that marries the best of Korea with the modern world and be the inspiration for all developing nations in the southern hemisphere that have had a similar history. As the Nobel laureate poet Rabindranath Tagore prophesied in poetic prose: “In the Golden Age of Asia, Korea was one of the lamp-bearers, that lamp awaits to be lighted once again for the illumination of the East.”
That light is the Korean Dream, and the light-bearer will be our new nation aligned to our providential calling of “living for the benefit of humankind.”
Conclusion
Today, South Korea stands more divided than ever. The political machinations and scandals surrounding the impeachment of the former president are a national disgrace and are exacerbating that divide. The only movement that can unite the disparate factions of the ROK is AKU and the Korean Dream movement for unification.
That is why I propose that the current government: 1) adopt the Korean Dream vision since the former government already adopted its platform, 2) dissolve the Ministry of Unification and install a non-governmental advisory committee in order to take the politics out of the unification agenda, and 3) make the Korean Dream vision a mandatory curriculum in all primary and secondary schools.
The unification agenda can and will be the issue that brings Koreans together. I pray that this current regime will receive Heaven’s wisdom and seek to heal the fissures and wounds of our broken land.
Ladies and gentlemen, it is especially in times of crisis that we can see clearly the path we must take. We live at a historic crossroads in a time when the fate of the peninsula and our people lie in our hands. Today, we are celebrating the 80th anniversary of Korean liberation from Japanese rule. The number eight represents a “new beginning.” As a man of deep faith, I believe that divine providence is guiding us to undo the mistakes of the past and lead our people to the promised land of unification centered upon the Korean Dream.
We represent the Korean people on the peninsula and around the world. Unlike our ancestors who were shuttlecocks in the field of great power politics, we will not be trifled with and succumb to the whims of others. In line with the aspirations of our ancestors, we will spread the Korean Dream vision to every corner of this land as the Sam-Il movement did more than a hundred years ago. We will empower every Korean, in the North, South and Diaspora to be the owner of this dream and join us in realizing it together.
Those of you who pledge to stand with me to realize the Korean Dream rise and shout Aju. Aju. Aju.
May God bless you and your families.