A NASA image of the Korean peninsula at night.

As Korea approaches its 70th year anniversary since its independence from colonial rule, Korean communities around the globe have plans to celebrate with commemorative events and programs. Yet, the “elephant in the room” is the one that asks: what about Korean unification?

An article in the Korea Herald laments the current trend among the young and pragmatic in South Korea, who weigh the costs and benefits to something that no longer seems plausible or even desirable. And perhaps in response to recent work by the civil society alliance, Action for Korea United, to produce a new unification song, the author of the article mentions how the song “Unity is our wish” has now come to represent an anachronism or a glaring symbol of the failures to unify the Korean peninsula.

Certainly, there have been many attempts to unify the North and South Korea. The horrors of the Korean War and its devastating aftermath stand as a symbol of the dangers and limits of a military-led approach to unification. Certainly both sides of the 38th parallel and even the world remains – and should remain – reluctant to ever again engage in such a strategy. There were any number of secret and public high-level, governmental talks throughout the years to do the same without much to show for it, as each side remains committed to its own goals and purposes. There was even the failed attempt to use an economic and humanitarian approach to unification in the “Sunshine Policy” during the presidency of Kim Dae Jung.

Source: Asan Institute for Policy Studies

Yet through 70 years, none has brought us closer to unification. In fact, we might say that we are, in fact, much farther from unification, particularly when considering the lack of interest and passion for a united homeland among the younger generation. A survey in 2014 reports a fairly consistent trend of disinterest in unification among twenty-somethings compared to the older generations.

In the 70 years since the division of the peninsula, we have lost a sense of connection with our Korean brothers and sisters in the North. We have long allowed political, military and economic leaders – domestic and international – to dictate the shape and form of our nation with a sharply self-interested agenda that has been to the detriment of the greater Korean family. Without a cohesive sense of identity, we have prioritized our own well-being and in the process lost our own souls.

Extraordinarily high suicide rates, divorce rates, a nationwide obsession with cosmetic surgery, dwindling birth rate and the pursuit of material success at all costs appear to be the new Korea. The picture in the North is even more dismal. And one can’t help feeling a deep sense of loss in all of this and great anxiety for our future generations.

But this can all change. In fact, a more recent report shows a growing interest in reunification, in spite of the danger posed by an increasingly unstable North Korea. Many might point to the South Korean government’s efforts to promote unification as the cause of this shift in public opinion but it also reminds us that whatever the flaws in the South Korean democratic system, it is essentially focused on the will of the people. Collectively, the will of the people can and should influence public policy in pursuit of the greater good for all of society.

Action for Korea United volunteer at Imjingak Peace Park               Credit: Global Peace Foundation

It also points to something that has been severely lacking in the previous attempts to unify the peninsula: the people. I.e., we need to engage in sustained, public and private conversations on what it is that we as Koreans around the world aspire to in reunifying our homeland and rebuilding a nation.

We have the ingredients to build a truly peaceful, prosperous society passed down through 5,000 years of history but it means nothing if we don’t take up the unique opportunity before us. We must start by dreaming our Korean Dream.

The post 70 Years After Liberation, Korean Unification Still Unresolved appeared first on Hyun Jin Preston Moon.

When lecturing on “What is a Nation”, French scholar, Ernest Renan, suggested that building a nation required acceptance of the past and choosing new realities for a shared future. He explains:

A nation is therefore a large-scale solidarity, constituted by the feeling of the sacrifices that one has made in the past and of those that one is prepared to make in the future. It presupposes a past; it is summarized, however, in the present by a tangible fact, namely, consent, the clearly expressed desire to continue a common life.

And yet what we see today is a rejection of this “desire to continue a common life” in the rise of subnational, identity-based and even transnational conflicts. Many point to specific political, economic, or religious factors as the cause, but consistently deepening divisions suggest that at the heart of these conflicts is a failure to see a common destiny.

Painting by John Trumbull of the five men drafting committee of the Declaration of Independence presenting their work to the Congress.

When we see others as enemies and fail to recognize the human dignity and rights of others, we tread on dangerous ground. Throughout history and repeatedly today, we see time and again that humans do terrible, inhumane things to each other when we exclude some as being unworthy of basic moral considerations. There are simply too many instances of this in the news today. Fortunately, history has also shown us that it is possible to bridge perceived divisions in order to create new possibilities for peace and shared prosperity.

The founding of the United States was based on the belief of a moral imperative to live and organize according to the “laws of nature and of nature’s God”. This recognition of spiritual principles became then the basis for essential spiritual values and subsequently, rights, to all people. Although the time of the founding of the United States permitted slavery within its territories, the founding documents of the Declaration of Independence and the U.S. Constitution, taken together, laid the ideological basis to eventually extend these rights to every person.

Indonesians celebrating their country’s independence (photo credit: British Pathe)

Similarly, we find that at a crossroad in its history, modern Indonesia made the conscious choice to establish a modern state based upon its spiritual values. Although Indonesia was and still is predominantly a Muslim country, it chose to enshrine universal principles at the core of its democracy out of respect for the diverse spiritual practices of its population. It is out of this freedom to practice in accordance with one’s conscience that has given rise to two of the largest Muslim civil society organizations in the world, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah.

Despite the geographic, cultural, religious, linguistic and many other differences in between, these two countries at opposite ends of the globe pursued very similar courses in placing universal principles and shared values as the basis of more inclusive societies. While each has struggled to maintain a hold of these principles and values, the vision and aspirations contained in the founding ideals continue to guide each nation towards greater equality, unity and prosperity for all.

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While most Koreans are very familiar with the March 1919 Korean Independence Movement, it is easy to forget the seminal role the Korean Diaspora played in the drive for self-governance. The non-violent demonstrations against Japanese colonizers on March 1^st, 1919 resulted in a swift, brutal response from the Japanese military and much of the Korean Independence Movement was either driven underground or formally orchestrated from overseas.

Photo: Seo Jae-pil, Korean Independence League, in Philadelphia in 1919.

To this end, the Korean Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea was formed in Shanghai, China and a Korean Congress was held in April, 1919 in Philadelphia, USA to clarify the “aims and aspirations” of the Korean people. From the period of 1919 to 1921, there are estimates of over 9,700 editorials protesting the Japanese colonization of Korea published in U.S. newspapers and periodicals across the nation. Korean civil society groups, religious leaders, groups – particularly American missionaries, U.S. politicians and the media worked to make the plight of the Korean people known to the whole world.

Yet the Korean Independence Movement is instructive in showing us the danger of allowing others to intervene and decide matters for us, even if done on our own behalf. We can only imagine what decolonization would have looked like if we had taken a firmer hold of the reigns of destiny by building the vibrant and engaged civil society that self-governance always requires. Instead, after the defeat and departure of the Japanese colonizers, it was not us but the U.S. and U.S.S.R. who decided Korea’s fate at the 38^th parallel, setting the stage for the disastrous proxy conflict during the Korean War.

In examining the role that the Korean Diaspora played during the first quarter of the 20^th century, we could suggest a similar role for the Korean people in this time for the North-South Korean reunification. Clearly, we must be the ones to take charge of our own fate and work towards unification. More importantly, we need to work for what lays beyond it. Most would agree that what we see in North and South Korea today is not a clear representation of our noble ideals and aspirations. Before the two sides achieve reunification, we are fortunate to have the opportunity to question our current realities and seek to define our common Korean Dream.

To do this properly, we must articulate the vision and principles that make Korea great, starting from Korea’s founding ideals of the Hongik Ingan. It is important to realize that there are no shortcuts in this. As Koreans in the north, the south and all over the world, we must all take full ownership and engage in these conversations. Perhaps it is through this process that we will re-discover our true identity, heritage and destiny for the world.

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“As I reflect on the memories of my father, I think of the Korean people, who, like the salmon, need to return to their original hometown, the place of their birth to begin the next cycle of life. That place begins with our founding mythology of Dangun and is expressed throughout the history of our people in the principles of Hong-ik Ingan. It finds purpose and meaning in the Korean Dream to be a unique, united and independent sovereign nation that can realize our providential destiny to serve and “benefit all of humanity.”

-Hyun Jin Preston Moon – Korean Dream: A Vision for a Unified Korea

Map of Korean Diaspora – credit: EstebanF

Conversations about Korean identity become considerably complex and interesting when taking in account of the Korean Diaspora. Estimated at over 7 million, large and small groups of Koreans have settled across all seven continents and hundreds of countries around the world. Some have worked to retain the Korean language, culture and familial systems while others have acclimated to those of their host country. Some left generations ago, others a few months or years ago and for a myriad of different reasons and circumstances. Some have prospered and others have suffered.

One can imagine that, in traveling hundreds, thousands or even only a few miles outside of the familiar, one might find one’s self more clearly because of the difference. When something as seemingly mundane as the weather also shifts norms in terms of available food, preferred attire, etc, it might make that of the home country all the more distinctive. We can only imagine how it might affect self-understanding in other ways. The rise of Korean Studies at universities from Oxford, the Center for Korea Research at Columbia University and institutes, such as the East Rock Institute in New Haven, CT and many, many others are testaments to this idea.

The Korean Diaspora has had much to offer the peninsula in the past century and a half. The Korean independence movement during the Japanese colonial period was greatly affected and informed by those Koreans living outside of the country. Woodrow Wilson’s 14 Point Declaration, in spite of actual U.S. foreign policy towards Korea itself, inspired a group of young Korean expat visionaries to bring freedom and self-determination to the Korean fatherland. In the 1970s and 80s, the Korean Diaspora also played a role in encouraging the burgeoning pro-democracy movement.

In reflecting on these, one is inclined to invite this same group to contribute then to a vision of a reunified Korea. In some sense, perhaps it is in interacting with the diversity of the world that people of the Korean Diaspora might understand Korea in a way apart from those who have never left. Efforts to retain the best of one’s home culture can be separated out from less helpful aspects that are easier to ascertain in new contexts.

One might hope that in engaging both domestic and expat Korean communities across the globe, we can rediscover our own distinctive identity, history, principles and values to reclaim the Korean destiny and bring “benefit to all humanity.”

To learn more, visit: Korean Dream

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